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The Conflict & Crisis in the Post-Cold War w orld series examines the numerous conflicts that have arisen since the late 1980s. In this book James Ciment explains th e story behind the lengthy transformation of Arab Palestine into the modern Jewish State. '
- Sales Rank: #6495768 in Books
- Published on: 1997-09
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.25" w x 1.00" l,
- Binding: Hardcover
- 244 pages
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Balanced and Thorough Overview -
By Loyd Eskildson
Pre-statehood, Zionist leaders employed many of the same terrorist tactics as did the Palestinians later - attacking Arab markets and assassinating opponents. Most Israeli historians say the massacres were conducted by 'rogue elements' within the Jewish forces. After independence, the Israelis launched preemptive raids against neighboring Arab states, hoping to foment hostilities against their Jews, who would then emigrate to Israel. Israel has pursued bilateral negotiations with individual Arab countries that would allow it to secure regional peace w/o making concessions to the Palestinians, while the Arab countries generally insisted otherwise. Another Israeli tactic has been to delay negotiations to give itself time to integrate territories through aggressive settlement expansion.
In May, 1964, 422 Palestinian delegates declared: 'The partition of Palestine in 1947 and the establishment of the State of Israel are entirely illegal, regardless of the passage of time, because they were contrary to the will of the Palestinian people and to their natural right in their homeland, and inconsistent with the principles embodied in the Charter of the United nations, particularly the right to self-determination.'
Israel seized the West Bank and Gaza from Jordan and Egypt in 1967. Upon seizing the territories, the Israeli government placed the two underground water sources under its own control, and severely restricted Palestinian water use; while Israelis consumed water at a 5X rate of the Palestinians, many of the latter's farms went out of production for lack of water. From the very beginning, the Palestinians made it clear they did not want to live under occupation. Resistance was muted first, due to Israel's policy of avoiding settlement buildings in populated areas and the prosperity that filtered into the territories from Palestinian workers in Israel and the Gulf States. With the Likud government of 1977, settlement building was both vastly expanded and shifted to the heavily populated areas of the West Bank within easy commuting distance of Israeli cities. The unstated plan was to use the settlements and the bypass roads connecting them to Israel to divide Palestinian populations areas into disconnected cantons, making it politically difficult for any future Israeli administration to abandon the territories. Then, the collapse of international oil prices in the early 1980s ended the economic boom in the Middle East as well, and dissatisfaction and anger among Palestinians grew apace, as did Israeli repression.
Eventually, an elaborate security apparatus was set up in which officers of Israeli security forces, utilizing a network of Palestinian informants, were given virtually total jurisdiction over security matters. When things got out of hand, Palestinian resisters could be detained without trial, under emergency legislation passed by the British decades earlier. Leaders were also deported, and violent political offenders saw their families' houses destroyed and orchards cut down. With the Intifada, this kind of summary justice was meted out on a massive scale, along with public humiliations, beatings and shootings of demonstrators. Thousands were detained for months and even years without trail, and report of torture periodically emerged from Israeli jails in the territories.
Redeployment of Israeli troops out of most populated Palestinian areas, following the Oslo, Taba and Hebron Accords of 1993, 95, and 97, eased the level of repression. In May 1994, Palestinian police moved into most Palestinian villages, towns and cities. Under pressure from Israel, however, the Palestinian security forces became too intrusive, large, and repressive - employing many of the same tactics used by the Israelis, including the use of secret security courts for political crimes and press censorship. While the Labor government of the 1990s ostensibly called a halt to construction of new settlements, existing ones were allowed to expand.
Israel's Jordan River diversion project of the early 1960s was the catalyst for Nasser's creation of the PLO and one of the causes of the 1967 war. A major reason for the Jordan-Israel peace treaty of 1994 involved King Hussein's desire to initiate a binational canal system to deliver and desalinate water from the Red Sea.
After the 1967 war (created over 400,000 refugees) and Israel annexed East Jerusalem and a large amount of surrounding territory (ignoring UN resolutions), the PLO set up a base in Jordan, and after a battle with the IDF Arafat claimed victory and was proclaimed a hero. In 1970 they hijacked four airliners and after removing the passengers, blew one up. The PLO was then expelled from Jordan and settled in Jordan. Israeli athletes were seized at the Munich Olympics in 1972, and the PLO began launching rocket and guerrilla attacks against civilians in northern Israel. In 1978 the new Likud government invaded after another attack. The invasion caused over 2,000 deaths and created 250,000 refugees. Israel invaded again in 1982, justifying it by the attempted assassination of its ambassador in London by a renegade guerrilla leader whom the PLO had condemned for killing its own guerillas. The IDF entered Beirut, resulting in heavy losses for both sides. Then the IDF permitted the Christian Phalangist militia to enter refugee camps in West Beirut to wipe out nests of PLO guerrillas - massacring over 1,200 Palestinian civilians. Israelis and the world were outraged - an inquiry faulted virtually every official in the Israeli government from Begin on down and concluded that IDF officers knew from the beginning what was happening and failed to intervene.
Orthodox Israelis saw the West Bank and East Jerusalem as the heartland of ancient Hebrew kingdoms. After the Israelis controlled those territories Zionism's political strength grew considerably and they undertook a mission of settling the West Bank. Settlers would move onto a site under cover of darkness and set up trailers on a hill overlooking an Arab village. The IDF would then remove the settlers by force, creating a political windfall for the movement. Through land seizures, confusing regulations and subsidies to Israeli businessmen and farmers, Israel's government undermined the local economy and created a captive market for Israeli products that were largely uncompetitive on the world market. Large numbers of Palestinian workers provided cheap labor for Israeli firms - paid far less than Jewish or even Palestinian Israelis, while paying taxes and receiving virtually no benefits.
Standards of living rose for Palestinians, but also for Jordanians and Syrians, and much was the result of remittances from Palestinians working in the oil states. Those leaving also eliminated those the Israeli's feared the most as potential leaders. The Israelis seized about two-thirds of the land on the West Bank and nearly one-third in Gaza.
The Intifada (1987-92) caught virtually everyone by surprise. Previously, Israel had seized the East Jerusalem Electric Company, the largest Arab enterprise in the territories, and Sharon had moved into the Muslim quarter of Old Jerusalem. Then a traffic accident was interpreted by Palestinians as revenge for an Israeli just murdered in a Gaza market. Massive protests ensued. Thousands were jailed without trial, adding further fuel. The self-delusion that the occupation was benevolent and the status quo could continue indefinitely was shattered.
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